What rifles were popular after the Mexican American war but before the Civl War?
- Thread starter Greg Bell
- Start date
Citizen Carrier
New member
I believe that west of the Mississippi during that time the "Hawken Rifle" held sway. Short, large caliber (.50 or more) single shots of either flint or percussion variety.
The longer, smaller caliber rifle of the Pennsylvania Rifle type was perhaps still most common east of the Mississippi. Note that in Alvin York's biography he points out the percussion single shot "Kentucky" rifle was still in widespread use in rural Tennessee well into the 20th Century.
I also recall hearing about an "invasion scare" during the Civil War in which Ohioans were fearful of a Confederate force or raiding party crossing over from Kentucky. It was remarked that several "rustic" individuals were seen in the vicinity of Cinncinnati with "squirrel rifles" to repel this invasion, which didn't happen.
The longer, smaller caliber rifle of the Pennsylvania Rifle type was perhaps still most common east of the Mississippi. Note that in Alvin York's biography he points out the percussion single shot "Kentucky" rifle was still in widespread use in rural Tennessee well into the 20th Century.
I also recall hearing about an "invasion scare" during the Civil War in which Ohioans were fearful of a Confederate force or raiding party crossing over from Kentucky. It was remarked that several "rustic" individuals were seen in the vicinity of Cinncinnati with "squirrel rifles" to repel this invasion, which didn't happen.
The common rifle..
after the Mexican War was the 1841 Mississipi Rifle.
There was developed the Manyard primer-tape rifle.
The CW incident was a development of the "Morgan's Raid" in the 1864 from Kentucky, Indianna, across Southern Ohio, where John Morgan was captured.
Sountern Ohio was a major suply pont to the western theater, but short of troops, hence local mitilia was called to assist in repealing. They used their own rifles, mainly squirrel rifles hence the name Squirrel rifle brigade.
after the Mexican War was the 1841 Mississipi Rifle.
There was developed the Manyard primer-tape rifle.
The CW incident was a development of the "Morgan's Raid" in the 1864 from Kentucky, Indianna, across Southern Ohio, where John Morgan was captured.
Sountern Ohio was a major suply pont to the western theater, but short of troops, hence local mitilia was called to assist in repealing. They used their own rifles, mainly squirrel rifles hence the name Squirrel rifle brigade.
73-Captain
Moderator
Guess "squirrel rifles" would be more suitable for repealing an attack. That way you could save the "real rifles" for repelling an attack!
C.
C.
In 1849-50 the Hawken was just starting to come into it's own. There weren't that many of them and they were expensive. There were other plains and trade rifles in much more abundance and a lot cheaper than the Hawken. The Hawken had it's heyday along the oregon trail in the 1850's. British Brown Bess's would have been in abundance in that area as would any number of Kentucky/Pennsylvania rifles which were small bore "squirrel guns" In all likelihood most would have been shotguns.
United States Weapons of War
United States Weapons
The weapons of the U.S. soldiers in the Mexican-American War included muskets and rifles, pistols, Colt revolvers, bayonets and swords, and artillery pieces. The high quality and reliability of the U.S. weapons, and the mobility of the Flying Artillery, gave the U.S. soldiers a distinct advantage over their Mexican counterparts.
The .69-caliber, smoothbore flintlock musket was standard issue for the U.S. soldier. It had an effective range of about 100 yards. About ten different models were used during the war, the most famous being the 1822 model. Some troops also carried the Hall breech-loading flintlock rifle or the Model 1841 percussion musket (also called the “Mississippi rifle”). Relatively few men carried percussion rifles. Many officers carried double-barreled shotguns for close combat. Dragoons also occasionally were armed with breech-loading Hall carbines with a shorter barrel.
Standard sidearms were flintlock or percussion smoothbore pistols that were inaccurate beyond a range of 10 or 15 yards. Other troops, most notably officers and Texas Rangers, carried the more expensive Colt revolver. The Hartford Courant reported that “each arm is calculated to hold six charges, which may be fired in as many seconds, and again reloaded as quickly as an ordinary fire arm. The regiment of the United States Mounted Rifles, for whom a thousand of these arms have been made…can fire a volley of six thousand balls into an enemy’s ranks, without loading, and afterwards load and fire at the rate of six thousand charges per minute.” The Colt, of course, was effective only in close quarters, such as colliding cavalry charges or hand-to-hand combat. Other weapons included swords, bayonets, and Bowie knives.
The biggest U.S. weapons advantage was its artillery. U.S. guns fired cannonballs, shells (explosive charge with fuse), spherical case (container with lead balls and explosives), and canister (tin can filled with 27 lead balls packed in sawdust). Canister was effective up to about 300 yards. The artillery consisted of long-barreled cannon, howitzers (short-barreled, lightweight guns), and mortars of various weights, cast from iron or bronze. The highly trained and disciplined Flying Artillery units could fire every 10 or 15 seconds, more than five times faster than Mexican artillery. Used mostly to inflict casualties, the Flying Artillery moved rapidly to where it was most needed on the battlefield, and usually created gaping holes in the enemy lines.
Mexico Weapons
The weapons of the Mexican soldiers were typically smoothbore flintlock muskets, pistols, sabers and shorter swords, lances, and antiquated cannon. Mexican weaponry was older and less reliable than U.S. weapons, especially the older, heavier cannon and its ammunition.
Mexico, which did not own an operating armory, purchased its weapons from European dealers. Most infantrymen were outfitted with older .753-caliber, smoothbore flintlock muskets from the 1830s. The British Tower-type smoothbore musket, which the British government no longer favored, was purchased in large quantities at discount prices. Called the “Brown Bess,” its range was less than 100 yards. A lesser number of 1838-style British Baker rifles were also used, but, because they were expensive and of better quality, they were saved for the elite troops and sharpshooters. After the Battle of Cerro Gordo, George Ballentine commented that “we found the road strewed with the muskets and bayonets which the Mexicans had thrown away in their hasty retreat. All of these muskets were of British manufacture and had the Tower mark on their locks. They were old and worn out, having evidently been condemned as unserviceable in the British army and then sold to the Mexicans at a low price…. After examining a few of them I came to the conclusion that for efficient service one of our muskets was equal to at least three of them.”
The variable quality and style of muskets created a host of problems for the Mexican soldiers, especially in matching ammunition. During the Battle of Churubusco in August 1847, the Mexican soldiers were infuriated by the fact that their lead balls were too large and frequently jammed in the musket barrel. Because of inferior powder, they were also forced to overcharge their rifles, and the resulting kick made them fire high. The British Paget flintlock carbine, and the escopeta, an old-fashioned, Napoleonic variety of blunderbuss, were also used by cavalrymen.
Cavalrymen were equipped with lances, sabers, and carbines. In the hands of an experienced horseman the lance was a formidable weapon. In addition to the four cutting edges of the eight-inch blade, a flag at the tip was meant to frighten the enemy’s horse. Lancers were some of the most highly regarded units in the Mexican army, and their attacks had great shock value.
Mexican artillerymen fired the antiquated Griveaubal cannon of different calibers, for which there was limited ammunition. Mexican cannoneers, especially in the beginning of the war, favored the use of solid shot in trying to knock out opposing batteries (in comparison, the U.S. artillery strategy was to destroy groups of soldiers). Toward the end of the war, during U.S. General Winfield Scott’s march to Mexico City and Colonel Alexander Doniphan’s march to Chihuahua, some cannons were cast in local foundries. Although the artillerists were well trained, the cannon were often defective. Uneven or inferior gunpowder overshot projectiles or made them fall dangerously short. The artillery was drawn by civilian carts and drivers, or often hauled by mules—the Mexican army did not have professional teamsters.
Notes:
Gregory J. W. Urwin, The United States Infantry, An Illustrated History: 1775-1918, Sterling Publishing Company, Inc., New York, New York, 1991, Page 66. Although the U.S. Army had officially adopted the percussion system by the time of the Mexican War, resistance from General Winfield Scott meant that most of his regular infantrymen began the march to Mexico City with flintlock muskets. In the general’s preparations for the invasion of Vera Cruz, Scott requested that his soldiers be armed with flintlocks in order to standardize logistics. He was concerned about the supply of percussion caps over perilous routes. Flints, unlike percussion caps, could always be located, manufactured, or captured. However, by the end of the war, the U.S. Army had issued more than twice as many percussion caps as flints, a clear sign of the military’s transition to percussion weapons. (For example, Company A, 4th U.S. Artillery reported on June 30, 1847 that it was equipped with 87 percussion muskets and only 14 old-style flintlocks.)
Firearm experts continue to disagree on whether or not the Model 1816 Type II musket, manufactured between 1822 and 1831, should be officially referred to as the Model 1822. Although the Model 1816 flintlock musket was one of the most common weapons of the Mexican War, no other regulation firearm has been the subject of as much controversy concerning its proper designation. Early authorities have, in addition to the Model 1816 designation, referred to this particular musket as either Model 1821, 1822 or 1831.” The U.S. Musket, Model 1816, is one of the arms that has badly confused the student, because the proper interpretation has not been placed on Wadsworth’s letters. The failure to use the correspondence which portrays the build-up, adoption, and improvements made to this model, together with later ordnance records referring to it as the model of 1822, has all tended to confuse the experts. Duplication of these weapons proved unsatisfactory and the Springfield Armory further confused production by adding improvements after the prototypes were released. Negotiations with contractors continued until 1822, when the final design was decided. Thirty prototype muskets marked “MODEL 1822″ were provided to various contractors. The hundreds of thousands of weapons produced became typed as the Model 1822 thereafter. Firearm authority Arcadi Gluckman in his 1959 milestone book entitled, “Identifying Old U.S. Muskets, Rifles And Carbines” refers to this flintlock weapon as the Model 1816, citing an 1816 document which authorized the original prototypes made in 1817. Gluckman ignored the 1841 Ordnance Manual and the nomenclature it set forth for this weapon, “Model 1822.” Unfortunately, the controversy remains unresolved with experts firmly entrenched on both sides of the issue.
Joseph G. Bilby, Civil War Firearms, Combined Publishing, Conshohocken, Pennsylvania, 1996, Pages 19 and 32. Single ball loads for the .69 caliber Model 1816 fired undersized .64 caliber projectiles to facilitate quick loading, at the expense of accuracy. The cartridge paper around the ball helped to fill up the “windage” or clearance between the diameter of the undersized ball and the .69 caliber barrel, providing some benefits of a patch. Page 20. In the 1840’s the caliber of the American musket ball was increased to .65 and the gun’s powder charge was reduced from 130 to 110 grains. Although accuracy improved somewhat, most military men continued to rely on multiple projectiles to improve combat hit ratios. Pages 18,19 and 20. By the time of the American Revolution it was common practice to load smaller buckshot along with a musket ball in paper cartridges used in .69 and .75 caliber muskets. The number of buckshot per cartridge varied. In October 1777, General George Washington recommended that his men deliver their first volley with a load of “one musket ball and four or eight buckshot, according to the strength of their pieces.” Single-ball, buck and ball, and straight buckshot loads of from twelve to fifteen pellets remained part of the American military ammunition inventory after the Revolutionary War. Due to limited effective range of straight buckshot loads, they were largely used as guard cartridges, while buck and ball became the military favored musket load. Between 1835 and 1840, three times as many buck and ball cartridges, loaded with a standard musket ball and three buckshot, were issued by the U.S. Ordnance Department as were single ball loads.
United States Weapons
The weapons of the U.S. soldiers in the Mexican-American War included muskets and rifles, pistols, Colt revolvers, bayonets and swords, and artillery pieces. The high quality and reliability of the U.S. weapons, and the mobility of the Flying Artillery, gave the U.S. soldiers a distinct advantage over their Mexican counterparts.
The .69-caliber, smoothbore flintlock musket was standard issue for the U.S. soldier. It had an effective range of about 100 yards. About ten different models were used during the war, the most famous being the 1822 model. Some troops also carried the Hall breech-loading flintlock rifle or the Model 1841 percussion musket (also called the “Mississippi rifle”). Relatively few men carried percussion rifles. Many officers carried double-barreled shotguns for close combat. Dragoons also occasionally were armed with breech-loading Hall carbines with a shorter barrel.
Standard sidearms were flintlock or percussion smoothbore pistols that were inaccurate beyond a range of 10 or 15 yards. Other troops, most notably officers and Texas Rangers, carried the more expensive Colt revolver. The Hartford Courant reported that “each arm is calculated to hold six charges, which may be fired in as many seconds, and again reloaded as quickly as an ordinary fire arm. The regiment of the United States Mounted Rifles, for whom a thousand of these arms have been made…can fire a volley of six thousand balls into an enemy’s ranks, without loading, and afterwards load and fire at the rate of six thousand charges per minute.” The Colt, of course, was effective only in close quarters, such as colliding cavalry charges or hand-to-hand combat. Other weapons included swords, bayonets, and Bowie knives.
The biggest U.S. weapons advantage was its artillery. U.S. guns fired cannonballs, shells (explosive charge with fuse), spherical case (container with lead balls and explosives), and canister (tin can filled with 27 lead balls packed in sawdust). Canister was effective up to about 300 yards. The artillery consisted of long-barreled cannon, howitzers (short-barreled, lightweight guns), and mortars of various weights, cast from iron or bronze. The highly trained and disciplined Flying Artillery units could fire every 10 or 15 seconds, more than five times faster than Mexican artillery. Used mostly to inflict casualties, the Flying Artillery moved rapidly to where it was most needed on the battlefield, and usually created gaping holes in the enemy lines.
Mexico Weapons
The weapons of the Mexican soldiers were typically smoothbore flintlock muskets, pistols, sabers and shorter swords, lances, and antiquated cannon. Mexican weaponry was older and less reliable than U.S. weapons, especially the older, heavier cannon and its ammunition.
Mexico, which did not own an operating armory, purchased its weapons from European dealers. Most infantrymen were outfitted with older .753-caliber, smoothbore flintlock muskets from the 1830s. The British Tower-type smoothbore musket, which the British government no longer favored, was purchased in large quantities at discount prices. Called the “Brown Bess,” its range was less than 100 yards. A lesser number of 1838-style British Baker rifles were also used, but, because they were expensive and of better quality, they were saved for the elite troops and sharpshooters. After the Battle of Cerro Gordo, George Ballentine commented that “we found the road strewed with the muskets and bayonets which the Mexicans had thrown away in their hasty retreat. All of these muskets were of British manufacture and had the Tower mark on their locks. They were old and worn out, having evidently been condemned as unserviceable in the British army and then sold to the Mexicans at a low price…. After examining a few of them I came to the conclusion that for efficient service one of our muskets was equal to at least three of them.”
The variable quality and style of muskets created a host of problems for the Mexican soldiers, especially in matching ammunition. During the Battle of Churubusco in August 1847, the Mexican soldiers were infuriated by the fact that their lead balls were too large and frequently jammed in the musket barrel. Because of inferior powder, they were also forced to overcharge their rifles, and the resulting kick made them fire high. The British Paget flintlock carbine, and the escopeta, an old-fashioned, Napoleonic variety of blunderbuss, were also used by cavalrymen.
Cavalrymen were equipped with lances, sabers, and carbines. In the hands of an experienced horseman the lance was a formidable weapon. In addition to the four cutting edges of the eight-inch blade, a flag at the tip was meant to frighten the enemy’s horse. Lancers were some of the most highly regarded units in the Mexican army, and their attacks had great shock value.
Mexican artillerymen fired the antiquated Griveaubal cannon of different calibers, for which there was limited ammunition. Mexican cannoneers, especially in the beginning of the war, favored the use of solid shot in trying to knock out opposing batteries (in comparison, the U.S. artillery strategy was to destroy groups of soldiers). Toward the end of the war, during U.S. General Winfield Scott’s march to Mexico City and Colonel Alexander Doniphan’s march to Chihuahua, some cannons were cast in local foundries. Although the artillerists were well trained, the cannon were often defective. Uneven or inferior gunpowder overshot projectiles or made them fall dangerously short. The artillery was drawn by civilian carts and drivers, or often hauled by mules—the Mexican army did not have professional teamsters.
Notes:
Gregory J. W. Urwin, The United States Infantry, An Illustrated History: 1775-1918, Sterling Publishing Company, Inc., New York, New York, 1991, Page 66. Although the U.S. Army had officially adopted the percussion system by the time of the Mexican War, resistance from General Winfield Scott meant that most of his regular infantrymen began the march to Mexico City with flintlock muskets. In the general’s preparations for the invasion of Vera Cruz, Scott requested that his soldiers be armed with flintlocks in order to standardize logistics. He was concerned about the supply of percussion caps over perilous routes. Flints, unlike percussion caps, could always be located, manufactured, or captured. However, by the end of the war, the U.S. Army had issued more than twice as many percussion caps as flints, a clear sign of the military’s transition to percussion weapons. (For example, Company A, 4th U.S. Artillery reported on June 30, 1847 that it was equipped with 87 percussion muskets and only 14 old-style flintlocks.)
Firearm experts continue to disagree on whether or not the Model 1816 Type II musket, manufactured between 1822 and 1831, should be officially referred to as the Model 1822. Although the Model 1816 flintlock musket was one of the most common weapons of the Mexican War, no other regulation firearm has been the subject of as much controversy concerning its proper designation. Early authorities have, in addition to the Model 1816 designation, referred to this particular musket as either Model 1821, 1822 or 1831.” The U.S. Musket, Model 1816, is one of the arms that has badly confused the student, because the proper interpretation has not been placed on Wadsworth’s letters. The failure to use the correspondence which portrays the build-up, adoption, and improvements made to this model, together with later ordnance records referring to it as the model of 1822, has all tended to confuse the experts. Duplication of these weapons proved unsatisfactory and the Springfield Armory further confused production by adding improvements after the prototypes were released. Negotiations with contractors continued until 1822, when the final design was decided. Thirty prototype muskets marked “MODEL 1822″ were provided to various contractors. The hundreds of thousands of weapons produced became typed as the Model 1822 thereafter. Firearm authority Arcadi Gluckman in his 1959 milestone book entitled, “Identifying Old U.S. Muskets, Rifles And Carbines” refers to this flintlock weapon as the Model 1816, citing an 1816 document which authorized the original prototypes made in 1817. Gluckman ignored the 1841 Ordnance Manual and the nomenclature it set forth for this weapon, “Model 1822.” Unfortunately, the controversy remains unresolved with experts firmly entrenched on both sides of the issue.
Joseph G. Bilby, Civil War Firearms, Combined Publishing, Conshohocken, Pennsylvania, 1996, Pages 19 and 32. Single ball loads for the .69 caliber Model 1816 fired undersized .64 caliber projectiles to facilitate quick loading, at the expense of accuracy. The cartridge paper around the ball helped to fill up the “windage” or clearance between the diameter of the undersized ball and the .69 caliber barrel, providing some benefits of a patch. Page 20. In the 1840’s the caliber of the American musket ball was increased to .65 and the gun’s powder charge was reduced from 130 to 110 grains. Although accuracy improved somewhat, most military men continued to rely on multiple projectiles to improve combat hit ratios. Pages 18,19 and 20. By the time of the American Revolution it was common practice to load smaller buckshot along with a musket ball in paper cartridges used in .69 and .75 caliber muskets. The number of buckshot per cartridge varied. In October 1777, General George Washington recommended that his men deliver their first volley with a load of “one musket ball and four or eight buckshot, according to the strength of their pieces.” Single-ball, buck and ball, and straight buckshot loads of from twelve to fifteen pellets remained part of the American military ammunition inventory after the Revolutionary War. Due to limited effective range of straight buckshot loads, they were largely used as guard cartridges, while buck and ball became the military favored musket load. Between 1835 and 1840, three times as many buck and ball cartridges, loaded with a standard musket ball and three buckshot, were issued by the U.S. Ordnance Department as were single ball loads.
Last edited:
Rifle Development
Rifle Development
In the mid-1850s the Pattern 1853 Rifle Musket, commonly known as the Enfield, was adopted as the British service rifle. Early manufacture of the Enfield relied on much hand labour and consequently led to problems of inconsistent performance, non-interchangeability of parts and slow supply. In an order to rectify this Joseph Whitworth, the foremost manufacturer of machine tools of his time, was approached to provide assistance with regards to the design of appropriate machinery for its manufacture.
Not content with considering the machinery, he determined that a more appropriate course of action would be to establish that the proposed rifle was of optimum design before considering its mass production.In 1855 Whitworth set about a series of experiments and trials in a 500 yard indoor range that was built in the grounds of his home at Rusholme, Manchester. The only design criteria Whitworth had was restriction to the service charge of 70 grains black powder with a 530 grain weight bullet. The conclusion of his experiments was that the optimum bore for the charge and weight bullet specified would be .45 cal with a 1 in 20" twist to the rifling. Whitworth's rifling was a radical departure from that used on the service rifles; being of hexagonal form and shooting a mechanically fitting bullet (see figure at right).
Despite trials which demonstrated that Whitworth's rifle was of superior accuracy to the Enfield, his design was never adopted for military use. While Whitworth may have missed out on a lucrative military contract, other events in the UK were to create a new market for his rifles.
National Rifle Association
During the late 1850's there was growing apprehension as to the prospects of French invasion of Great Britain. This culminated in 1859 with the Government authorising the formation of Volunteer Rifle Corps. There was an immediate rush of Volunteering, but it was not expected to last. The formation of the National Rifle Association (NRA) late in 1859 did however put measures in place to secure the long-term prospects of the Volunteers, its aims including "the encouragement of Volunteer Rifle Corps and the promotion of rifle shooting throughout Great Britain." The NRA established an annual rifle meeting with matches at distances of up 1,000 yards.
For the gun makers of the time this development created a new market in the form of discerning riflemen seeking accurate long range arms. Following the principles established by Whitworth, there developed a special class of 'small-bore' target rifle. The majority of these rifles were around .451 calibre, and the term 'small-bore' was used to distinguish them from the 'large-bore' service rifle of .577 calibre.
Rifles used for competition evolved, during the decade of the 1860's, from variations of the military pattern to specialised items not suitable for military use. The early rifles outwardly appeared much the same as the service arm of issue, with full length military stocks and open sights, the bore and form of rifling being where the major differences lay. These are generally described as military match rifles.
THE RIGBY 'IMPROVED LONG-RANGE RIFLE' (MODEL 1867)
Towards the end of the decade of the 1860's the small-bore rifle had evolved into a highly specialised form of target rifle. The full length stock had reduced to a half stock with 'pistol grip,' and the ramrod was no longer attached. These features allowed more weight to be concentrated in the barrel. Open sights had been replaced with aperture sights; foresights took interchangeable elements, and incorporated a spirit level to eliminate cant. Sight mountings were also included on the heel of the rifle stock to permit the use of the back position. This is the match rifle.
By 1870 Whitworth's deeply rifled hexagonal bore and mechanically fitting bullet were being supplanted by designs by Metford and Rigby, which used shallow groove rifling and hardened lead bullets. These latter rifles dominated in long range shooting for a number of years, until their ultimate replacement by breech loading rifles..
Rifle Development
In the mid-1850s the Pattern 1853 Rifle Musket, commonly known as the Enfield, was adopted as the British service rifle. Early manufacture of the Enfield relied on much hand labour and consequently led to problems of inconsistent performance, non-interchangeability of parts and slow supply. In an order to rectify this Joseph Whitworth, the foremost manufacturer of machine tools of his time, was approached to provide assistance with regards to the design of appropriate machinery for its manufacture.
Not content with considering the machinery, he determined that a more appropriate course of action would be to establish that the proposed rifle was of optimum design before considering its mass production.In 1855 Whitworth set about a series of experiments and trials in a 500 yard indoor range that was built in the grounds of his home at Rusholme, Manchester. The only design criteria Whitworth had was restriction to the service charge of 70 grains black powder with a 530 grain weight bullet. The conclusion of his experiments was that the optimum bore for the charge and weight bullet specified would be .45 cal with a 1 in 20" twist to the rifling. Whitworth's rifling was a radical departure from that used on the service rifles; being of hexagonal form and shooting a mechanically fitting bullet (see figure at right).
Despite trials which demonstrated that Whitworth's rifle was of superior accuracy to the Enfield, his design was never adopted for military use. While Whitworth may have missed out on a lucrative military contract, other events in the UK were to create a new market for his rifles.
National Rifle Association
During the late 1850's there was growing apprehension as to the prospects of French invasion of Great Britain. This culminated in 1859 with the Government authorising the formation of Volunteer Rifle Corps. There was an immediate rush of Volunteering, but it was not expected to last. The formation of the National Rifle Association (NRA) late in 1859 did however put measures in place to secure the long-term prospects of the Volunteers, its aims including "the encouragement of Volunteer Rifle Corps and the promotion of rifle shooting throughout Great Britain." The NRA established an annual rifle meeting with matches at distances of up 1,000 yards.
For the gun makers of the time this development created a new market in the form of discerning riflemen seeking accurate long range arms. Following the principles established by Whitworth, there developed a special class of 'small-bore' target rifle. The majority of these rifles were around .451 calibre, and the term 'small-bore' was used to distinguish them from the 'large-bore' service rifle of .577 calibre.
Rifles used for competition evolved, during the decade of the 1860's, from variations of the military pattern to specialised items not suitable for military use. The early rifles outwardly appeared much the same as the service arm of issue, with full length military stocks and open sights, the bore and form of rifling being where the major differences lay. These are generally described as military match rifles.
THE RIGBY 'IMPROVED LONG-RANGE RIFLE' (MODEL 1867)
Towards the end of the decade of the 1860's the small-bore rifle had evolved into a highly specialised form of target rifle. The full length stock had reduced to a half stock with 'pistol grip,' and the ramrod was no longer attached. These features allowed more weight to be concentrated in the barrel. Open sights had been replaced with aperture sights; foresights took interchangeable elements, and incorporated a spirit level to eliminate cant. Sight mountings were also included on the heel of the rifle stock to permit the use of the back position. This is the match rifle.
By 1870 Whitworth's deeply rifled hexagonal bore and mechanically fitting bullet were being supplanted by designs by Metford and Rigby, which used shallow groove rifling and hardened lead bullets. These latter rifles dominated in long range shooting for a number of years, until their ultimate replacement by breech loading rifles..
RE: Sharps
Christian Sharps (1810 - 1874), patented his rifle in 1848. The first contract for 5,000 rifles was in 1850 and manufacturing started in 1851. The Model 1851 "box-lock" was developed Christian Sharps, Rollin White, and Richard Lawrence at Robbins & Lawrence of Windsor, VT.
The second contract for 15,000 rifles was so large that no suitable land was available in Windsor, VT. The holding company advanced Robbins & Lawrence $40,000 to purchase 25 acres (100,000 m2) of land in Hartford, CT and to erect a brick factory building.
Christian Sharps left the Company in 1853. He later formed a partnership with William Hankins in 1862, known as Sharps & Hankins. In 1855, manufacturing was moved to Hartford and continued until 1876. Operations were then moved to Bridgeport, Connecticut.
In 1875, Sharps introduced the .50-90 Sharps hunting cartridge.[1] Hugo Borchardt designed the last rifle made by the company, the Sharps-Borchardt Model 1878. The Sharps Rifle Co. closed down in 1881.
Reproductions of the paper cartridge Sharps 1853 Rifle, the metallic cartridge 1874 Sharps Rifle, and Sharps-Borchardt Model 1878 are manufactured today. They are used in hunting and target shooting. Shiloh Rifle Manufacturing Company in Big Timber, Montana offers a line of Sharps reproductions.
Production Sharps Model Type Caliber
1849 to 1850 Model 1849 Rifle 0.44
1850 to 1850 Model 1850 Rifle 0.44
1852 to 1855 Model 1851 Carbine .36, .44, .52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Rifle 0.52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Carbine 0.52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Shotgun Various
1854 to 1857 Model 1853 Carbine Various
1856 to 1857 Model 1855 0.52
1856 to 1857 Model 1855 U.S. Navy Rifle 0.52
1855 to 1857 Model 1855 British Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1859 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1863 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1865 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1859 Rifle 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Carbine 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Military Rifle 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Sporting Rifle .45-70, .50-70
1871 to 1881 Model 1874 Various
1877 to 1878 Model 1877 0.45
1878 to 1881 Model 1878 Various
Christian Sharps (1810 - 1874), patented his rifle in 1848. The first contract for 5,000 rifles was in 1850 and manufacturing started in 1851. The Model 1851 "box-lock" was developed Christian Sharps, Rollin White, and Richard Lawrence at Robbins & Lawrence of Windsor, VT.
The second contract for 15,000 rifles was so large that no suitable land was available in Windsor, VT. The holding company advanced Robbins & Lawrence $40,000 to purchase 25 acres (100,000 m2) of land in Hartford, CT and to erect a brick factory building.
Christian Sharps left the Company in 1853. He later formed a partnership with William Hankins in 1862, known as Sharps & Hankins. In 1855, manufacturing was moved to Hartford and continued until 1876. Operations were then moved to Bridgeport, Connecticut.
In 1875, Sharps introduced the .50-90 Sharps hunting cartridge.[1] Hugo Borchardt designed the last rifle made by the company, the Sharps-Borchardt Model 1878. The Sharps Rifle Co. closed down in 1881.
Reproductions of the paper cartridge Sharps 1853 Rifle, the metallic cartridge 1874 Sharps Rifle, and Sharps-Borchardt Model 1878 are manufactured today. They are used in hunting and target shooting. Shiloh Rifle Manufacturing Company in Big Timber, Montana offers a line of Sharps reproductions.
Production Sharps Model Type Caliber
1849 to 1850 Model 1849 Rifle 0.44
1850 to 1850 Model 1850 Rifle 0.44
1852 to 1855 Model 1851 Carbine .36, .44, .52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Rifle 0.52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Carbine 0.52
1853 to 1855 Model 1852 Shotgun Various
1854 to 1857 Model 1853 Carbine Various
1856 to 1857 Model 1855 0.52
1856 to 1857 Model 1855 U.S. Navy Rifle 0.52
1855 to 1857 Model 1855 British Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1859 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1863 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1865 Carbine 0.52
1859 to 1866 Model 1859 Rifle 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Carbine 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Military Rifle 0.52
1869 to 1871 Model 1869 Sporting Rifle .45-70, .50-70
1871 to 1881 Model 1874 Various
1877 to 1878 Model 1877 0.45
1878 to 1881 Model 1878 Various
The Spencer Rifle 1860
The Spencer repeating rifle was a manually operated lever-action, repeating rifle fed from a tube magazine with cartridges. It was adopted by the Union Army, especially by the cavalry, during the American Civil War, but did not replace the standard issue muzzle-loading rifled muskets in use at the time. The Spencer carbine was a shorter and lighter version.
The design was completed by Christopher Spencer in 1860, and was for a magazine-fed, lever-operated rifle chambered for the 56-56 Spencer rimfire cartridge. Unlike later cartridge designations, the first number referred to the diameter of the case at the head, while the second number referred to the diameter at the mouth; the actual bullet diameter was .52 inches. Cartridges were loaded with 45 grains (2.9 g) of black powder.
To use the Spencer, a lever had to be worked to extract the used shell and feed a new cartridge from the tube. Like the Dreyse breech-loader, the hammer then had to be manually cocked in a separate action. The weapon used rimfire cartridges stored in a seven-round tube magazine, enabling the rounds to be fired one after another. When empty, the tube could be rapidly loaded either by dropping in fresh cartridges or from a device called the Blakeslee Cartridge Box, which contained up to ten tubes with seven cartridges each, which could be emptied in the magazine tube in the buttstock.[1]
There were also 56–52, 56–50, and even a few 56–46 versions of the cartridge created, which were necked down versions of the original 56–56. Cartridge length was limited by the action size to about 1.75 inches, and the later calibers used a smaller diameter, lighter bullet and larger powder charge to increase the power and range over the original 56–56 cartridge, which, while about as powerful as the .58 caliber rifled musket of the time, was underpowered by the standards of other early cartridges such as the .50–70 and .45-70.
The Spencer repeating rifle was a manually operated lever-action, repeating rifle fed from a tube magazine with cartridges. It was adopted by the Union Army, especially by the cavalry, during the American Civil War, but did not replace the standard issue muzzle-loading rifled muskets in use at the time. The Spencer carbine was a shorter and lighter version.
The design was completed by Christopher Spencer in 1860, and was for a magazine-fed, lever-operated rifle chambered for the 56-56 Spencer rimfire cartridge. Unlike later cartridge designations, the first number referred to the diameter of the case at the head, while the second number referred to the diameter at the mouth; the actual bullet diameter was .52 inches. Cartridges were loaded with 45 grains (2.9 g) of black powder.
To use the Spencer, a lever had to be worked to extract the used shell and feed a new cartridge from the tube. Like the Dreyse breech-loader, the hammer then had to be manually cocked in a separate action. The weapon used rimfire cartridges stored in a seven-round tube magazine, enabling the rounds to be fired one after another. When empty, the tube could be rapidly loaded either by dropping in fresh cartridges or from a device called the Blakeslee Cartridge Box, which contained up to ten tubes with seven cartridges each, which could be emptied in the magazine tube in the buttstock.[1]
There were also 56–52, 56–50, and even a few 56–46 versions of the cartridge created, which were necked down versions of the original 56–56. Cartridge length was limited by the action size to about 1.75 inches, and the later calibers used a smaller diameter, lighter bullet and larger powder charge to increase the power and range over the original 56–56 cartridge, which, while about as powerful as the .58 caliber rifled musket of the time, was underpowered by the standards of other early cartridges such as the .50–70 and .45-70.
The Henry Rifle 1860
The original Henry repeating rifle was an American .44 caliber rimfire, lever-action, breech-loading rifle designed by Benjamin Tyler Henry in the late 1850s. The Henry rifle was an improved version of the earlier Volcanic Repeating rifle. The Henry rifle used copper (later brass) rimfire cartridges containing 25 grains (1.6 g) of gunpowder to a 216 grain (14 g) bullet. 900 Henry rifles were manufactured between summer and October 1862; by 1864, production had peaked at 290 per month. By the time production ended in 1866, approximately 14,000 units had been manufactured.
The rifle's original list price was $42; as of 2004, an original 1862 Henry rifle may bring $14,000 (one sold in November 2006 for $60,000) in the collectors' market.
Civil War 1860 Henry RifleFor a Civil War soldier, owning a Henry rifle was a point of pride. Although it was never officially adopted for service by the Army, many Union soldiers purchased Henry rifles with their own funds. The brass framed rifles could fire at a rate of 28 rounds per minute when used correctly, so soldiers who saved their pay to buy one often believed that the rifle would help them survive. They were frequently used by scouts, skirmishers, flank guards, and raiding parties, rather than in regular infantry formations. To the amazed muzzleloader-armed Confederates who had to face this deadly "sixteen shooter," it was "that damned Yankee rifle that they load on Sunday and shoot all week!" A very few captured Henry rifles were used on a very limited basis by Confederate troops. Since those few Confederate troops who came into possession of one of these rifles had little way to resupply the special ammunition used by this gun, its widespread use by Confederate forces was very impractical. The rifle was however, known to have been used at least in part by some 15 different Confederate units. These units included cavalry units in Louisiana, Texas, and Virginia, as well as the personal bodyguards of Confederate President Jefferson Davis.
Manufactured by the New Haven Arms Company, the Henry rifle would soon evolve into the famous Winchester Model 1866 lever-action rifle. With the introduction of the new Model 1866, the New Haven Arms Company would be renamed the Winchester Repeating Arms Company.
The Henry rifle used a .44 caliber cartridge with 26 or 28 grains (1.8 g) of black powder. This gave it significantly less muzzle velocity and stopping power than comparable repeaters of the same era, such as the Spencer repeating rifle. The lever action, on the downstroke, ejected the spent cartridge from the chamber and cocked the hammer. A spring in the magazine forced the next round into the chamber and locking the lever back into position sealed the rifle back up into firing position. As it was designed, the rifle was not a very safe weapon. A Henry rifle, when not in use, would either have the hammer cocked or resting on the firing pin of the cartridge. In the first case, the rifle has no safety and is in firing position. In the second, an impact on the back of the exposed hammer could cause a chambered round to fire.
The original Henry repeating rifle was an American .44 caliber rimfire, lever-action, breech-loading rifle designed by Benjamin Tyler Henry in the late 1850s. The Henry rifle was an improved version of the earlier Volcanic Repeating rifle. The Henry rifle used copper (later brass) rimfire cartridges containing 25 grains (1.6 g) of gunpowder to a 216 grain (14 g) bullet. 900 Henry rifles were manufactured between summer and October 1862; by 1864, production had peaked at 290 per month. By the time production ended in 1866, approximately 14,000 units had been manufactured.
The rifle's original list price was $42; as of 2004, an original 1862 Henry rifle may bring $14,000 (one sold in November 2006 for $60,000) in the collectors' market.
Civil War 1860 Henry RifleFor a Civil War soldier, owning a Henry rifle was a point of pride. Although it was never officially adopted for service by the Army, many Union soldiers purchased Henry rifles with their own funds. The brass framed rifles could fire at a rate of 28 rounds per minute when used correctly, so soldiers who saved their pay to buy one often believed that the rifle would help them survive. They were frequently used by scouts, skirmishers, flank guards, and raiding parties, rather than in regular infantry formations. To the amazed muzzleloader-armed Confederates who had to face this deadly "sixteen shooter," it was "that damned Yankee rifle that they load on Sunday and shoot all week!" A very few captured Henry rifles were used on a very limited basis by Confederate troops. Since those few Confederate troops who came into possession of one of these rifles had little way to resupply the special ammunition used by this gun, its widespread use by Confederate forces was very impractical. The rifle was however, known to have been used at least in part by some 15 different Confederate units. These units included cavalry units in Louisiana, Texas, and Virginia, as well as the personal bodyguards of Confederate President Jefferson Davis.
Manufactured by the New Haven Arms Company, the Henry rifle would soon evolve into the famous Winchester Model 1866 lever-action rifle. With the introduction of the new Model 1866, the New Haven Arms Company would be renamed the Winchester Repeating Arms Company.
The Henry rifle used a .44 caliber cartridge with 26 or 28 grains (1.8 g) of black powder. This gave it significantly less muzzle velocity and stopping power than comparable repeaters of the same era, such as the Spencer repeating rifle. The lever action, on the downstroke, ejected the spent cartridge from the chamber and cocked the hammer. A spring in the magazine forced the next round into the chamber and locking the lever back into position sealed the rifle back up into firing position. As it was designed, the rifle was not a very safe weapon. A Henry rifle, when not in use, would either have the hammer cocked or resting on the firing pin of the cartridge. In the first case, the rifle has no safety and is in firing position. In the second, an impact on the back of the exposed hammer could cause a chambered round to fire.
The Hawken Rifle
The Hawken rifle is a specific black powder long rifle, generally shorter and of a larger caliber than earlier "Kentucky rifles." Popular in the early to mid-nineteenth century, the term "Hawken rifle" technically referred to rifles made by Jacob and Samuel Hawken of St Louis, Missouri but was often used generically to refer to a variety of "plains rifles" of the period.
The earliest known record of a Hawken rifle dates to 1823 when one was made for William Henry Ashley. The Hawkens did not mass-produce their rifles but rather made each one by hand, one at a time. Many famous men were said to have owned a Hawken rifle, including (in alphabetical order): Jim Bridger, Kit Carson, Joseph Meek and Theodore Roosevelt
Although popular with mountain men and hunters of the fur trade era, up through the mid part of the 19th century, muzzleloaders were generally replaced by mass-produced, breech-loading weapons such as the Sharps Rifle, the Winchester and others.
Characteristics of a "classic" Hawken rifle include:
Heavy Octagonal barrel
Bore size of .50 caliber or more for larger game such as American bison, grizzly bear and elk
Hooked breech which allows the barrel to be easily removed from the stock for cleaning.
Iron furniture (including nosecap)
Double set trigger
Front blade sight
The 1972 film Jeremiah Johnson starred Robert Redford as a mountain man who used such a rifle, and contributed to general interest in replicas and a resurgence in muzzleloaders among modern hunters, including a model called the Hawken from Thompson Center Arms of New Hampshire.
The Hawken rifle is a specific black powder long rifle, generally shorter and of a larger caliber than earlier "Kentucky rifles." Popular in the early to mid-nineteenth century, the term "Hawken rifle" technically referred to rifles made by Jacob and Samuel Hawken of St Louis, Missouri but was often used generically to refer to a variety of "plains rifles" of the period.
The earliest known record of a Hawken rifle dates to 1823 when one was made for William Henry Ashley. The Hawkens did not mass-produce their rifles but rather made each one by hand, one at a time. Many famous men were said to have owned a Hawken rifle, including (in alphabetical order): Jim Bridger, Kit Carson, Joseph Meek and Theodore Roosevelt
Although popular with mountain men and hunters of the fur trade era, up through the mid part of the 19th century, muzzleloaders were generally replaced by mass-produced, breech-loading weapons such as the Sharps Rifle, the Winchester and others.
Characteristics of a "classic" Hawken rifle include:
Heavy Octagonal barrel
Bore size of .50 caliber or more for larger game such as American bison, grizzly bear and elk
Hooked breech which allows the barrel to be easily removed from the stock for cleaning.
Iron furniture (including nosecap)
Double set trigger
Front blade sight
The 1972 film Jeremiah Johnson starred Robert Redford as a mountain man who used such a rifle, and contributed to general interest in replicas and a resurgence in muzzleloaders among modern hunters, including a model called the Hawken from Thompson Center Arms of New Hampshire.
Swampghost
New member
Snowed in are we? Good info and I'll read it all tomorrow.
I'm not particularly interested in researching the other rifles but the information concerning the 'Hawken Rifle' is not quite what it should be.
With all respect to blacksky I would like to state the following:
Jacob & Sam Hawken came from along line of gunmakers. Their father, Christian Hawken, made fine firearms in Hagerstown, Maryland and was part of an extended family of gunmakers and gunsmiths as most of the trade tended to be.
Jacob, Sam and a few other brothers worked at Harper's Ferry Arsenal (from 1808 forward, according to the rolls) and may have gotten their inspiration there for the half stocked rifle they subsequently produced. However, the half-stock rifle (which is better suited for the plains and on horseback) is implicit in its use and was made by a number of men.
The Hawken Rifle was the Cadillac of the plains style rifles and, consequently, expensive. There were not that many produced (from the existing receipts of the Hawken estate) and there is evidence that, being generous, only about 10% of the rifles carried by Mountain Men were Hawken Rifles and those would only have been late in the fur trade before Gemmer took over.
While original Hawken Rifles look quite a bit heavier than Kentucky or Pennsylvania Rifles they are not that much heavier. The reason? Because the caliber is larger. Swamped barrels throw the weight back between the shooter's hands and Hawkens were not equipped with 'swamped barrels'... at least the surviving specimens are not. Therefor, the barrel weight is out beyond the hands and the rifle feels as if it is 'barrel heavy'. I'm sure most of you understand this comparing your tapered barrels to 'target' barrels.
Last but not least (and this is sort of a sore point), the movie Jeremiah Johnson may have contributed some to muzzle loading awareness, those of us who existed through that time period had been in muzzle loading for quite some time before. East and West gatherings (rendezvous) were in full swing and men were building 'Hawkens' as well as Jaegers, Northwest Guns, Kentucky & Pennsylvania rifles, Southern Mountain, Illinois, the list goes on and on. If you have any doubt of this, just look into the history of the NMLRA and other organizations that flourished.
The information gathered here is from, in part, the following books:
The Hawken Rifle by Baird
15 Years In The Hawken Lode by Baird
The Hawken Rifle: Its Place In History by Hanson
With regard to Hanson's book... take a little trip to The Museum Of The Fur Trade in Chadron, Nebraska sometime and be prepared to have the scales fall from your eyes.
Again... no reflection of blacksky... I just had to get it out.
Oh yes, here is a comparison of a real Hawken to the Thompson Center so called 'copy'.
With all respect to blacksky I would like to state the following:
Jacob & Sam Hawken came from along line of gunmakers. Their father, Christian Hawken, made fine firearms in Hagerstown, Maryland and was part of an extended family of gunmakers and gunsmiths as most of the trade tended to be.
Jacob, Sam and a few other brothers worked at Harper's Ferry Arsenal (from 1808 forward, according to the rolls) and may have gotten their inspiration there for the half stocked rifle they subsequently produced. However, the half-stock rifle (which is better suited for the plains and on horseback) is implicit in its use and was made by a number of men.
The Hawken Rifle was the Cadillac of the plains style rifles and, consequently, expensive. There were not that many produced (from the existing receipts of the Hawken estate) and there is evidence that, being generous, only about 10% of the rifles carried by Mountain Men were Hawken Rifles and those would only have been late in the fur trade before Gemmer took over.
While original Hawken Rifles look quite a bit heavier than Kentucky or Pennsylvania Rifles they are not that much heavier. The reason? Because the caliber is larger. Swamped barrels throw the weight back between the shooter's hands and Hawkens were not equipped with 'swamped barrels'... at least the surviving specimens are not. Therefor, the barrel weight is out beyond the hands and the rifle feels as if it is 'barrel heavy'. I'm sure most of you understand this comparing your tapered barrels to 'target' barrels.
Last but not least (and this is sort of a sore point), the movie Jeremiah Johnson may have contributed some to muzzle loading awareness, those of us who existed through that time period had been in muzzle loading for quite some time before. East and West gatherings (rendezvous) were in full swing and men were building 'Hawkens' as well as Jaegers, Northwest Guns, Kentucky & Pennsylvania rifles, Southern Mountain, Illinois, the list goes on and on. If you have any doubt of this, just look into the history of the NMLRA and other organizations that flourished.
The information gathered here is from, in part, the following books:
The Hawken Rifle by Baird
15 Years In The Hawken Lode by Baird
The Hawken Rifle: Its Place In History by Hanson
With regard to Hanson's book... take a little trip to The Museum Of The Fur Trade in Chadron, Nebraska sometime and be prepared to have the scales fall from your eyes.
Again... no reflection of blacksky... I just had to get it out.
Oh yes, here is a comparison of a real Hawken to the Thompson Center so called 'copy'.
Attachments
no reflection of blacksky
None taken! I couldn't find much info on the Hawken when doing some light research. I just posted what little I found. I thought the line from the Jeremiah Johnson movie was great... Damn! A genuine Hawken! Thanks for the background and added detail
None taken! I couldn't find much info on the Hawken when doing some light research. I just posted what little I found. I thought the line from the Jeremiah Johnson movie was great... Damn! A genuine Hawken! Thanks for the background and added detail
Just came across this...
Jacob and Samuel Hawken
Jacob, born in 1786 was the older of the two brothers. Samuel was born in 1792. Although popular legend has it that Jacob Hawken established his St. Louis gun shop in 1807, payroll records at the Harper's Ferry Arsenal show that he was employed at the arsenal from at least April 1808 until as late as February 1818. The first evidence of Jacob Hawken in St. Louis is a deed for half a "certificate" for 160 acres of land outside of New Madrid, Missouri, dated August 21, 1818. At this time he became partners with an established St. Louis gunsmith, James Lakenan. This partnership would last until Lakenan's death on August 25, 1825.
Samuel Hawken had established his own gun business in Xenia, Ohio. In 1821 Samuel and Jacob's father died. Shortly thereafter Samuel's wife died and Samuel relocated to St. Louis. There he set up his own business, independent of Jacob and Lakenan. It wasn't until Lakenan's death in 1825, that the two brothers apparently became partners.
The brothers were not only skilled gun-smiths, but old fashioned craftsmen who could and would make just about anything. Invoices and other records show that the brothers shop was not a rifle production factory, but rather a shop in which all sorts of services, tools and metal items could be purchased. Restocking guns, gun repairs and cleaning appears to have been a large part of their business. They manufactured substantial numbers of iron and brass axes and tomahawks, fire steels, iron arrow points and gun worms, and on one occasion even making basket handles for 16 swords. Services even included shoeing a horse. It is not until after 1848 that "sundries" do not appear in any amount, suggesting that manufacture of rifles was the primary activity.
The earliest record of a Hawken Rifle is a custom gun made by Samuel Hawken for General Ashley in 1823. Although the Hawkens had been supplying various goods and services to the American Fur Company from the 1820's, the sale of rifles or guns of any sort is not indicated on surviving documents. The earliest clearly documented sale of a production Hawken Rifle was an order for 18 rifles by the American Fur Company in 1831. At least some of these rifles were percussion. Subsequent production of Hawkens was extremely limited, probably generally not more than about 120 rifles per year. Peak production of the shop occurred during the 1849 Gold Rush, and even then probably did not exceed 200 rifles per year. Hawken rifles were very expensive for the time, but were extremely high quality arms, reflecting the care and skill of two of the best gunsmiths in St. Louis. Production held up through the mid-1850's then began to decline as "modern" breech-loading rifles such as the Sharps Rifle gained in popularity.
Jacob Hawken died in 1849. His death during the period of peak production must have been a serious blow to the shop. Samuel Hawken continued the business till around 1855 when he retired. The shop passed to his son William Hawken and Tristam Campbell. Although retired, Samuel apparently continued to work at the shop from time to time. In 1856 William Hawken and Tristam Campbell dissolved their partnership, and William continued the business alone. From 1860-1864 William Watt and William Bennett operated the shop. Phillip Gemmer was the final owner starting in 1865 through into the late 1870's. These latter owners continued to capitalize on the Hawken reputation, stamping guns produced in the shop as "Hawkens" even though the Hawkens family was no longer involved with the business.
Samuel Hawken would die May 9, 1884, at the age of 92 in St. Louis.
For more information about Jacob or Samuel Hawken, or about their gun ship see the following:
The Hawken Rifle: Its Place in History, by Charles E Hanson, Jr., published by the Fur Press, Crawford, Nebraska, 1979. Probably one of the best sources of documentation of the types of rifles carried by the mountain men, production of rifles by the Hawken brothers, and origin of the myths regarding the "Hawkens Rifles."
Found Here:
http://home.att.net/~mman/index.htm
Jacob and Samuel Hawken
Jacob, born in 1786 was the older of the two brothers. Samuel was born in 1792. Although popular legend has it that Jacob Hawken established his St. Louis gun shop in 1807, payroll records at the Harper's Ferry Arsenal show that he was employed at the arsenal from at least April 1808 until as late as February 1818. The first evidence of Jacob Hawken in St. Louis is a deed for half a "certificate" for 160 acres of land outside of New Madrid, Missouri, dated August 21, 1818. At this time he became partners with an established St. Louis gunsmith, James Lakenan. This partnership would last until Lakenan's death on August 25, 1825.
Samuel Hawken had established his own gun business in Xenia, Ohio. In 1821 Samuel and Jacob's father died. Shortly thereafter Samuel's wife died and Samuel relocated to St. Louis. There he set up his own business, independent of Jacob and Lakenan. It wasn't until Lakenan's death in 1825, that the two brothers apparently became partners.
The brothers were not only skilled gun-smiths, but old fashioned craftsmen who could and would make just about anything. Invoices and other records show that the brothers shop was not a rifle production factory, but rather a shop in which all sorts of services, tools and metal items could be purchased. Restocking guns, gun repairs and cleaning appears to have been a large part of their business. They manufactured substantial numbers of iron and brass axes and tomahawks, fire steels, iron arrow points and gun worms, and on one occasion even making basket handles for 16 swords. Services even included shoeing a horse. It is not until after 1848 that "sundries" do not appear in any amount, suggesting that manufacture of rifles was the primary activity.
The earliest record of a Hawken Rifle is a custom gun made by Samuel Hawken for General Ashley in 1823. Although the Hawkens had been supplying various goods and services to the American Fur Company from the 1820's, the sale of rifles or guns of any sort is not indicated on surviving documents. The earliest clearly documented sale of a production Hawken Rifle was an order for 18 rifles by the American Fur Company in 1831. At least some of these rifles were percussion. Subsequent production of Hawkens was extremely limited, probably generally not more than about 120 rifles per year. Peak production of the shop occurred during the 1849 Gold Rush, and even then probably did not exceed 200 rifles per year. Hawken rifles were very expensive for the time, but were extremely high quality arms, reflecting the care and skill of two of the best gunsmiths in St. Louis. Production held up through the mid-1850's then began to decline as "modern" breech-loading rifles such as the Sharps Rifle gained in popularity.
Jacob Hawken died in 1849. His death during the period of peak production must have been a serious blow to the shop. Samuel Hawken continued the business till around 1855 when he retired. The shop passed to his son William Hawken and Tristam Campbell. Although retired, Samuel apparently continued to work at the shop from time to time. In 1856 William Hawken and Tristam Campbell dissolved their partnership, and William continued the business alone. From 1860-1864 William Watt and William Bennett operated the shop. Phillip Gemmer was the final owner starting in 1865 through into the late 1870's. These latter owners continued to capitalize on the Hawken reputation, stamping guns produced in the shop as "Hawkens" even though the Hawkens family was no longer involved with the business.
Samuel Hawken would die May 9, 1884, at the age of 92 in St. Louis.
For more information about Jacob or Samuel Hawken, or about their gun ship see the following:
The Hawken Rifle: Its Place in History, by Charles E Hanson, Jr., published by the Fur Press, Crawford, Nebraska, 1979. Probably one of the best sources of documentation of the types of rifles carried by the mountain men, production of rifles by the Hawken brothers, and origin of the myths regarding the "Hawkens Rifles."
Found Here:
http://home.att.net/~mman/index.htm
You may be interested in knowing there is a display of some of the machinery used in the Harper's Ferry arsenal (in Harper's Ferry, West Virginia), on which was produced many of the different models of small arms used by the army up until the Civil War. The equipment was made by Pratt & Whitney Machine Tool Company.